Monthly Archives: January, 2021

How DJT Lost the White House, Introduction: Why I Was Involved Before November 3 & What I Learned Because I Was (1.1)

Patrick Byrne A concerned citizen who has been hunting the oligarchy and Deep State since 2004.

January 24, 2021

(Warning to reader: this introduction is choppy. I am just trying to accommodate the public by getting blocks of my narrative up quickly. When I finally weave them all into one story I will improve the writing, add more links etc. last edited 1/25 9:25 PM Eastern).

On the last day of July, 2020 a dear friend of mine from Montana, a stolid, Native American fellow some several years my junior, visited me at my home in Utah. A few days earlier I had had surgery on my spinal chord, and he was checking in. He told me that there was a group of people, some ex-federal some not, some cyber-experts and some of various other expertise, who were organizing on the subject of election fraud. My friend was adamant that I get involved and help them. My friend was quite a squared-away individual, and I took his advice and requests seriously. The next day, August 1, my friend died in a plane crash: though the coincidence is troubling, I looked into it personally (I am a multi-engine instrument land and seaplane pilot), and it does seem to me to have been the error of his instructor (who flew the plane into a box canyon without the power to climb out).

At my friend’s funeral I met some of the people he had described. A sober, quiet man with a FEMA background and a deep knowledge of biowarfare; a retired Army Colonel with a background in Military Intelligence including psyops; other men and women with backgrounds in everything from law enforcement to cyberwarfare in military context and in support of law enforcement, to (most recently) operating against human trafficking in the Southwest to…. the reverse-engineering of mass scale election fraud.  An industrial scale election fraud.  It turned out that there had been some irregularities in the Dallas 2018 election that had spawned a network of enthusiasts on election fraud, and that had spawned this broader network. Soon some key players were dropping through and seeing me in Utah, and I, recovering from surgery, was moving around to meet them elsewhere.  

I am now going to write of, “white hat hackers”. I should make clear that I am referring to people who not only follow the law, they generally operate under authority and direction of law enforcement, or under contract with law enforcement at state and federal levels. There is a certification for working in the field of cyber-forensics, a certification that means you maintain proper chain of title and  image hard drives and swear out affidavits and produce work that is admissible in court. Sometimes they are used by law enforcement in offensive cybermissions: taking down a child trafficking/porn ring, for example. The “white hat hackers” of whom I now speak are those kind of hackers.

Over the next couple months I sat through lectures by these “white hat hackers” on the security vulnerabilities of the technology used in election equipment. Vulnerabilities such as slots in the motherboard that should be soldered shut but which are open (meaning anyone who can slip a chip into that slot for a few seconds has compromised the machine forever). R232 ports giving any technician who plugs in) root level access without a password (thus again compromising the machine forever). Strange violations of good computer science practice, such as a oddly architected triple databases within the machine, without integrity among the layers. Audit logs that were editable by users (making them not”audit logs” at all), and lacking in fixed numbering systems that could reveal tapering. I asked the white hat hackers involved who were walking me through these points of porous security to me to rate the security, on a scale of 1-10, of these systems. Their considered answer: “2, maybe a 1”.

Let me point out that a year ago, this was not considered a partisan issue. We all wanted elections that were fair, free, and transparent. Here is a story from NBC News, from January 2020: “Online and vulnerable’: Experts find nearly three dozen U.S. voting systems connected to internet“.

“Princeton Professor Hacks Dominion Voting Machine in Seven Minutes”

Beyond those kinds of hacks, they began to introduce me to other “hacks” understood in a broader sense.  The extraordinary  privileges enjoyed by precinct administrators, for example, to drag-and-drop a queue of hundreds of ballots waiting for adjudication (a point confirmed within the machine’s operating handbook).  Discussion was had of spikes in offshore packet traffic to certain locations during elections, though the full reasons for that were not yet fully understood. One technique that was explained to me before the election, ended up being the subject of a Gateway Pundit video after the election:

As the weeks ticked by I became increasingly conversant with characters who were convinced we were on the edge of a massive election steal. They had meetings arranged with DHS in their state, and their briefings were taken at least twice in September by DHS and propelled up the chain of command…. only to be killed from Washington. In particular, a portion of DHS called CISA (“Cybsecurity & Infrastructure Security Agency”) put the kibosh on further meetings. This was odd because election security is within their mandate: one might have thought they might be interested. And let me remind the reader, these were not just a ragtag bunch of misfits: these were people with extensive federal backgrounds, with all kinds of experiences and certifications in matters cyber.

Then November 3, the night of the election, everything they had been predicting to me would happen, happened.  I am not going to make this essay a full account of the steal: I want to get on with the history. So for fuller research one should go read Sidney Powell’s four briefs to SCOTUS, which come with all sorts of appended material and affadavits. For now, let me confine myself to a brief gloss of the oddities that stacked up.

Ask your local political science professor to explain why it is the case that to steal the national election one does not need, “widespread election fraud”. If the professor is honest, you will hear, “Because instead of widespread election fraud, it only takes deep election fraud in five cities to flip the swing states they are in, to thereby flip the electoral college, and to thereby steal the election nationally. Those cities are Atlanta, Philadelphia, Detroit, Milwaukee, and Phoenix.”

And what do you, know, on November 3, election night, vote counting in precisely those cities took unprecedented turns. As James Woods put it elegantly, “Since when do they just stop counting votes on election day in America?” Yet that happened in various ways across those cities named (it is hard to remember now, but in early November it seemed strange to everyone that they stopped counting votes on election day, though it has been normalized since). In Atlanta’s State Farm Arena, a “water-main break” forced the evacuation of the vote counting area of the arenait later turned out to be fake (“BUSTED: Evidence Proves ‘Burst Water Pipe’ In Georgia Was Used As Cover For Secret Vote-Counting“) / arena, and in the few hours when the courting was “closed”, hundreds of thousands of votes were pushed through the system, often showing 99.4% and even 100% runs for Biden, thousands of ballots in a row. The water-main break” turned out to be a toilet that had overflowed (“Reported Burst Pipe in Atlanta Ballot-Count Area Was Overflowing Urinal: Investigator“).

 Multiple security cameras caught workers grabbing suitcases of ballots out of hiding and feeding them into machines while counting was officially stopped and all others had been shooed from the area.

Some of these cities saw goons muscle observers away from vote counting centers on gobbledygook reasons, while others taped pizza boxes across windows to block poll observers from being able to observe.

Covering Windows in Detroit
How Detroit treats its polling “observers”

In the days after the election the suspicion that untoward things were occurring were ubiquitous.

Within days, the cyber teams I was with were coming up with data that showed what had happened in those windows where counting had been “stopped”: hundreds of thousands of ballots had been introduced running 99.4% and even 100% Biden.

Within a matter of a couple weeks, there were math faculty weighing in on the statistical improbabilities bubbling up through the data from that night. A Williams math professor laid it on the line (“Yale Trained Mathematician Flags 100,000 Pennsylvania Ballots As Likely Fraudulent“) leading to official reaction (“Federal Elections Commission Chairman Trey Trainor says new analysis by professor Steven Miller ‘adds to the conclusions that some level of voter fraud took place in this year’s election’”). Benford’s law, a statistical law use din courts when establishing voter fraud, was applied to the election results in Michigan: “Biden’s vote numbers in Michigan do not match Benford’s law at a 99.999% significance level.

Beofre the end of the year noted economist John Lott would come out with a paper (“A Simple Test for the Extent of Vote Fraud with Absentee Ballots in the 2020 Presidential Election: Georgia and Pennsylvania Data“) summarized in the popular press “Expert: Biden win ‘suspicious,’ 289,000 election-changing ‘excess’ votes“.

And so on and so forth.

My purpose is not at this point to convince you, the reader, that election fraud had occurred. My purpose is to convey to you that there is really a lot about this election that smells like skunk. the days Nothing decisive, nothing that I’d be ready to convict anyone on… but a lot that smelled like skunk. enough that it could not just all slide. What is it I thought should be done? Clearly we are dancing among a lot of Constitutional live wires, I thought, but by the middle of November the following was seeming to me like a reasonable, neutral, unobjectionable course of action:

Let’s look at those five counties where such oddities occured. These machines were sold to the public with the promise that “there is always a paper ballot as a failsafe”. OK, let’s hold them to it. Open up the boxes with all the paper ballots and count them , on livestream TV. Use the US Marshalls, or use the National Guard (“Our sons and daughters and co-workers…. Our Citizen Soldiers”). If there are not big discrepancies, then Trump steps down. But if there are big discrepancies, we don’t ask the Courts to give one candidate, but instead, we rerun the election in those five states. Again, use the National Guard and the US Marshall service. Yes it would be a bad precedent, but so would trying to force down the public’s throat an election that was rumbled by goons in five key cities, and about which somewhere between 33% – 47% of the population has significant doubts. That’s not healthy for democracy, either.

The whole thing could have been done in 30 days, easy. Which is why in early-mid November, I was hoping that brisk action could result in either results that President Trump would see and say, “No big discrepancies, fine I concede” or say, “See, there were discrepancies in the hundreds of thousands of votes in each of these locations. We are re-rerunning the election in those five states using the National Guard.”

That’s it. That was the plan. It went through various elaborations, various nice-to-haves, but that is all that was sought. That is all that was needed. The alternative being a national election that could divide our nation for years. That is why I say, “This was a 3-foot putt. Maybe easier.”

Now I know from experience there are those who will say coyly, “But how do you know that cheating occurred?” Five cities play a special role in US political science because of their ability to flip five key swing states; those five cities saw bizarre and unprecedented activity on voting night, up to and including the shutting down of vote counting; the water pipes knew just which cities to break in; in each case a huge spike of Biden votes were injected where counting had ceased and observers had been cut out…. Personally, I think it is brazen enough it is an insult to our intelligence to believe it, but in my view the test is not, “Is there enough sketchy information to convict someone for a crime?” The test is, “Does this smell enough like skunk that we should just open up the boxes with all the paper ballot backups, and recount the whole thing on livestreamed tv?” After all, there is a reason the machines were sold to us as always having the paper ballots as a fail-safe: it seems to me that if there were ever a time to use it, now would have been that time. Say it’s a judgement call, but in my view any reasonable person who looks at that preceding constellation of facts will say, “That looks enough like mischief that we need to dig deeper.” And any who look at the preceding constellation of facts and says, “Nope, I don’t spot anything there guaranteeing further examination” is gas-lighting.

But I get ahead of myself. Let us go back to November 4, the day after the election, when the whole world begins grappling with a question that our little team of Bad News Bears has been working on for months.

Within days a self-organized digital army sprung into existence. Networks of volunteers. People willing to research any question we needed answered, people willing to track down others and record their experiences; precinct voters who had experienced some of the techniques of the fraud first-hand, at a retail level; precinct workers describing extraordinarily lax enforcement of standards; freight drivers who had realized they were moving hundreds of thousands of fake ballots from one state to another. Lawyers who were able to mobilize and gather sworn statements. It became clear that the problem was not going to be turning up facts of the crime, it was going to be in managing the firehouse of facts that were pouring in, so many hundreds and then thousands of Americans were stepping forward with details of things they had experienced or witnessed on Election Day. These networks began finding each other and then finding me, as I structured a team of people who could handle the volume. The cyber team collecting and processing data, the affidavits coming in by the dozens, and then hundreds, and then thousands (ultimately I heard that 50,000 Americans signed affidavits concerning their experiences).

Because of our preparation we had much more than a rough idea of how the various election frauds that had occurred, in various permutations, on retail, wholesale, and industrial scale. We knew that nailing things down for the benefit of a court of law would require examining hard drives and doing other computer forensics, but the rough outline of the steal was child’s play to see (as I walked through above), and the mountains of new statements and affidavits that surfaced daily just filled in as confirmation of that greater theory.  

By a week after the election I was in Washington, DC. The cyber-sleuths and investigators with me already had things perhaps 50% sorted out. They had the strategy behind the theft: pick those five cities to cheat like hell, flip their states, thus flip the electoral college and the nation (though more refined versions of the strategy evolved over subsequent weeks: we found, for example, that whoever was doing the stealing would also target heavily red counties and shave a few percentage points in each).  Reams of data showing machines processing vote statistical outliers showing up that were of astronomical impossibilities, rivers of affidavits gushing in where people reported experiences precisely consistent with what our team had predicted was happening under the table. Mathematicians started showing up with their analyses that confirmed what we were putting together empirically (“MIT statistician shows certainty of massive computer vote fraud in 2020 Presidential election: Dr. Shiva Ayyadurai (Dr. Shiva) provides an MIT PhD analysis of Michigan voting patterns….“)

Approximately one week after the election I walked into an office building in suburban Virginia, just outside DC. That is to say, a week after this election, my colleagues and cyberexperts walked in with a still-fragmentary but still highly compelling reconstruction of what had happened on November 3 and the days immediately following it. We had the crime more half-solved, and what was remaining was almost a mechanical matter: dig here, compare this with that, the answers will spit out. We can see they  were doing this this and this, but we also need to look at that.  

I and my cybersleuth colleagues walked into that building to take a meeting with America’s Mayor Rudy Giuliani, and Sidney Powell, Esq. (esteemed lawyer for Michael Flynn, the “Peoples’ General”).

And that, dear reader, is where our story really begins.


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